Official Website of MOLITA
Official Website of MOLITA The struggle for freedom and democracy in Tanzania
Following independence Nyerere and TANU consolidated power to promote unity. In 1962–65 the government amended the constitution to outlaw rival parties at the national level. Nyerere insisted one-party rule was more “democratic” for Tanzania’s context, arguing it avoided tribal division. He pursued collectivized development (the Arusha Declaration of 1967) and built an egalitarian state, achieving high literacy and peace. However, the lack of legal opposition meant dissent was often muted; critics point out that some of Tanzania’s humane image owed much to voluntary acceptance, since overt political disagreement was limited. By 1977 TANU and Zanzibar’s ASP merged into CCM and a new constitution reaffirmed the strong presidency and one-party system.
President Ali Hassan Mwinyi inherited a deepening economic crisis. He abandoned many Ujamaa policies, launching a World Bank-supported Economic Recovery Program in 1986 to liberalize trade and privatize state enterprises . This economic opening (earning him the nickname “Mzee Rukhsa,” or “Mr. Relax” ) improved growth but left social strains unaddressed and fueled public discontent. By the early 1990s, pressures both domestic and international spurred political liberalization. Mwinyi appointed the Nyalali Commission (1991) to survey public opinion; its report noted a preference for some change and effectively recommended multiparty competition. In May 1992 Tanzania enacted the Political Parties Act, legally allowing multiple parties. Mwinyi “facilitated the transition to plural democracy” (even if without immediately altering the one-party constitution).
Benjamin Mkapa, a former journalist and diplomat backed by Julius Nyerere, became Tanzania's third president in the landmark 1995 multiparty elections, winning 62% against fragmented opposition. His administration prioritized economic reforms, privatizing state enterprises, attracting foreign investment, and securing debt relief from the IMF and World Bank, leading to steady growth and reduced inflation. However, challenges marred democratic progress, particularly in Zanzibar, where 2000 elections involved widespread irregularities, including ballot stuffing and delayed polling. The Zanzibar Electoral Commission annulled results in 16 constituencies, prompting a partial rerun boycotted by the Civic United Front (CUF). Post-election protests in January 2001 turned violent, with police killing at least 35 and injuring hundreds, leading to over 2,000 refugees fleeing to Kenya.
Jakaya Kikwete, a charismatic foreign minister under Mkapa and former army chief, swept to power in 2005 with over 80%—the highest margin in multiparty history.Kikwete emphasized regional diplomacy, chairing the African Union and promoting East African integration, while domestically tolerating more vibrant media and civil society than predecessors. Politically, his tenure allowed opposition growth, especially CHADEMA under leaders like Willibrod Slaa. In 2010, Kikwete's vote fell to 63%, with CHADEMA capturing urban seats and nearly 40% in some areas; parliamentary gains saw CCM's seats drop, enabling livelier debates.
John Magufuli won the 2015 election promising to fight corruption and build infrastructure, earning him the nickname “The Bulldozer.” However, his rule quickly grew authoritarian. International observers and local analysts note that Magufuli presided over a systematic crackdown on dissent. Newspapers and social media were severely repressed, as dozens of journalists and bloggers faced arrests or intimidation. By the 2020 polls this climate had intensified. Magufuli’s government also enacted repressive laws. In late 2019 the Cybercrimes Act and related regulations were used to detain activists and block websites, while regulators shut down or suspended independent newspapers that published critical reports. The Political Parties Act and NGO regulations were enforced to remove opposition candidates and weaken NGOs.
Ascending as Tanzania's first female president, Samia promised "Four Rs" (Reconciliation, Resilience, Reforms, Rebuilding). Early steps included lifting rally bans, media restrictions, and engaging opposition. However, reforms stalled; by 2024–2025, opposition leaders faced arrests, disappearances, and disqualifications. Initially seen as a moderate reformer, her government has since faced criticism for restricting opposition activity and tightly managing elections. Observers noted that by late 2024 CCM faced “so little competitive opposition” unseen since the pre-1990 one-party era. The 2025 elections barred CHADEMA and ACT-Wazalendo, resulting in Samia's ~98% "victory" amid fraud claims, internet blackouts, and deadly protests (hundreds reportedly killed). International observers condemned the process, marking a return to overt authoritarianism.
Tanzania's post-2025 election period witnessed one of the most violent episodes in its multiparty history, with civil resistance emerging as a direct response to perceived electoral theft and deepening authoritarianism under Samia Suluhu Hassan. Protests ignited on October 29 in Dar es Salaam, evolving into widespread unrest with barricades, tire-burning, and confrontations. Demonstrators demanded annulment of results and electoral reforms, echoing long-standing grievances over CCM's dominance since independence. The state's response was swift and brutal: military deployment, curfews, and lethal force transformed protests into deadly clashes, Suluhu's regime had declared war on its citizens, it killed and detained thousands, denied and lied about the allegations while it continues to repress and undermine more citizens. Our Movement (MOLITA) was borne out of necessity and civic duty to resist, we do not recognize the regime that was imposed on us after the election, we join opposition parties and other civil societies to continue to push back albeit fiercely and more determined and creatively to make sure our country does not slide further into autocracy.
You do not need permission. If you believe Tanzania belongs to its people—not to one party, one family, or one palace—then you are already MOLITA.
